President Nayib Bukele is stepping up his offensive against the free press and civil society in El Salvador. In recent weeks, the Salvadoran government intensified its authoritarian streak—passing a law that financially strangles organizations receiving international funding, arbitrarily arresting activists, threatening journalists and embracing increasingly anti-democratic rhetoric.
These measures follow a series of unfavorable news reports and events targeting the government, and spark fear among journalists and human rights defenders.
“When we talk to our Nicaraguan colleagues, they tell us, ‘Where you are now, we once were,’” Hugo Sánchez, freedom of expression rapporteur for the Association of Journalists of El Salvador (Apes, for its initials in Spanish), told LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “‘And where we are, you will eventually be.’ ”
For journalists, the introduction of the Foreign Agents Law is especially alarming. Better known as the Gag Law, Congress passed the legislation on May 20 with virtually no discussion, either in the legislature or broader Salvadoran society.
Framed as a measure to tax donations to non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the law imposes a 30% tax on any foreign funding received by individuals or organizations, according to a summary posted on the Legislative Assembly website.
It also designates anyone receiving direct or indirect foreign funding as a “foreign agent,” requiring them to register with the government.
Foreign agents are prohibited from engaging in political activities that could “disrupt public order” or “threaten the social and political stability” of the country. They must also disclose in their materials that foreign principals “finance” the information they publish.
The law grants broad discretionary powers to the Executive, allowing the Government Ministry to exempt specific organizations from these requirements. Non-compliance can result in fines of up to US $200,000.
The new law mirrors similar legislation adopted recently across Latin America—not only in openly authoritarian regimes like Nicaragua and Venezuela but also in democracies at risk such as Guatemala and Paraguay. Peru is the most recent case, having approved its own “Gag Law” in April.
Salvadoran journalists describe the law as vague and overly broad, leaving ample room for arbitrary enforcement.
“They basically want to stifle the work of independent media and civil society organizations that have been critical of the government,” Suchit Chávez, a member of the Apes board of directors and journalist for Revista Factum, told LJR.
According to Chávez, the new 30% tax adds to existing levies, pushing the total tax burden to nearly 50%. The law, she argues, “practically makes it impossible for independent media and civil society organizations to operate.”
“Both media outlets and organizations will scale back their operations, and we believe some will shut down,” she said.
The new tax adds to previous cuts in foreign aid from USAID, further reducing funding in a country where many news outlets rely heavily on international support. According to Apes representatives, some organizations are considering following El Faro’s example by relocating their administrative operations abroad.
Meanwhile, authorities have arrested three activists in recent weeks: human rights lawyer and anti-corruption activist Ruth López; environmental lawyer Alejandro Henríquez; and José Ángel Pérez, president of a farmer cooperative.
López’s detention is the most high-profile case. She works with the human rights organization Cristosal and is one of the country’s most prominent government critics, having investigated or exposed at least 15 alleged cases of government corruption, while also denouncing arbitrary detentions and deaths in prison facilities.
Her arrest illustrates how far the government is willing to go to silence dissent.
“If you had asked me a month ago whether I thought they could arrest Ruth López, I would have said no,” Suchit Chávez said. “There is such legal uncertainty now that we really don’t know what might happen.”
Meanwhile, attacks against the press skyrocketed. According to an Apes tally, 789 incidents were recorded in 2024—an increase of 154% compared to 311 cases documented the previous year.
This atmosphere of intimidation is driving journalists to leave the country, either due to concerns for their safety or as a precaution when covering sensitive stories. After publishing two interviews in May with leaders of criminal groups who claimed Bukele had negotiated deals with gangs, El Faro reported the government intended to arrest at least seven of its staff members.
Apes estimates that about 30 journalists have left El Salvador preventively in recent weeks, Chávez said.
Among them is El Faro’s head of photography, Victor Peña, who left the country after the gang interviews and has remained abroad.
Peña highlights the fear and legal uncertainty, especially under the current state of exception, where a court order is not necessary for arrest. He says pressure from government supporters makes it nearly impossible to resist an order for arbitrary arrest, as these actors effectively shape public opinion.
“After our publication, officials, trolls, paid journalists, and pseudo-intellectuals who claim to analyze the country’s situation publicly demanded our arrest for crimes of illicit association and advocating crime,” Peña told LJR. “When that happens, you’ve already lost, because the judgment has already been made in the public sphere, even if the courts later rule differently.”
Bukele’s latest crackdown appears driven by a temporary loss of narrative control—and the perceived need to regain it, Peña said.
According to Peña, the official discourse started to weaken after Congress approved a law reopening metal mining at the end of last year, an unpopular move. Other missteps added to the backlash, such as a setback in public perception surrounding the seizure of a container in Panama that held both drugs and Salvadoran coffee.
Everyday issues, like the closure of a key highway after a landslide, further fueled social media criticism that undermined Bukele’s popularity. He also faced pushback for imprisoning migrants deported from the United States and for the controversial gang leader interviews.
The public relations setback, Peña said, led the president to abandon any pretense of moderation, discarding behaviors designed to suggest he was not “a repressor or violator of human rights.”
“Bukele lost control of the narrative, but he needs to act to regain power—to put communication back in his hands and say, ‘I’m in charge here; these decisions are mine,’” Peña said. “From there, the escalation follows.”
Current evidence indicates the president’s strategy involves doubling down on his authoritarian path. In a speech] marking the first anniversary of his second term in San Salvador on June 1, Bukele suggested he wears accusations of anti-democratic behavior as a badge of honor.
“Democracy, institutionality, transparency, human rights, rule of law—they sound good, they represent truly great ideals, but people really only use these terms to keep us subdued,” Bukele said. “I don’t care if they call me a dictator.”
