.Para ajudar jornalistas, escritores e editores a aprimorar suas habilidades, o Centro Knight para o Jornalismo nas Américas está oferecendo o curso online gratuito de duas semanas “Escrevendo e editando com mais concisão: Como manter seus artigos curtos o suficiente para serem lidos”
Clarice Herzog, de 83 anos, lutou por décadas por justiça. Os responsáveis pela tortura e morte do jornalista seguem impunes.
“Crime sem castigo: como os militares mataram Rubens Paiva" é resultado de anos de pesquisa e apuração jornalística e reconstrói os eventos que levaram à morte de Paiva. A autora defende a importância da memória e da investigação jornalística para a compreensão desse período sombrio da história brasileira.
Mais da metade de um grupo de jornalistas colombianos entrevistados considera abandonar a profissão devido aos baixos salários e à instabilidade no emprego. O estudo também mostrou que os profissionais da imprensa no país não veem a sindicalização como uma forma de melhorar as condições de trabalho.
Incertidumbre. Esa es la situación de muchos periodistas de América Latina que se encuentran en Estados Unidos bajo diferentes procesos migratorios que van desde solicitudes de asilo hasta aprobaciones de entrada bajo parole humanitario.
Como parte de las nuevas políticas de migración del presidente estadounidense Donald Trump, su administración ha eliminado programas como el Estatus de Protección Temporal (TPS, Temporary Protected Status) para nacionales de países como Venezuela, ha frenado programas de parole humanitario para ciudadanos de Cuba, Haití, Nicaragua y Venezuela, e hizo prácticamente imposible solicitar asilo en la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México.
Además, con el recorte de ayuda financiera por parte de Estados Unidos a través de agencias como USAID no solamente se afectaron los medios y periodistas que recibían parte de sus fondos, sino otros proyectos que ayudaban a periodistas que buscaban salir de sus países por temas de seguridad.
“Ya hay efectos con la llegada de Donald Trump”, dijo Angélica Cárcamo, directora de la Red Centroamericana de Periodistas (RCP), a LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “Un efecto es que ha congelado fondos y la OIM (Organización Internacional para las Migraciones) entiendo que tenía muchos fondos provenientes de USAID y se tuvieron que congelar y la gente se quedó varada”.
Por ejemplo, periodistas centroamericanos que fueron seleccionados como parte de las Becas Centroamérica en Ascenso, que también contaba con fondos de USAID, ya recibieron información de que su beca fue suspendida o que no recibirán más fondos, dijo Cárcamo.
Mariana Belloso, coordinadora de la Red Latinoamericana de Periodismo en el Exilio (Relpex) de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa (SIP), también ve un efecto directo en el recorte de fondos en periodistas que buscan migrar, dijo a LJR. Belloso recordó que también había programas con fondos de USAID destinados a ayuda legal para periodistas en caso de que estuvieran siendo víctimas de persecución.
Por Silvia Higuera
Incertidumbre. Esa es la situación de muchos periodistas de América Latina que se encuentran en Estados Unidos bajo diferentes procesos migratorios que van desde solicitudes de asilo hasta aprobaciones de entrada bajo parole humanitario.
Como parte de las nuevas políticas de migración del presidente estadounidense Donald Trump, su administración ha eliminado programas como el Estatus de Protección Temporal (TPS, Temporary Protected Status) para nacionales de países como Venezuela, ha frenado programas de parole humanitario para ciudadanos de Cuba, Haití, Nicaragua y Venezuela, e hizo prácticamente imposible solicitar asilo en la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México.
Además, con el recorte de ayuda financiera por parte de Estados Unidos a través de agencias como USAID no solamente se afectaron los medios y periodistas que recibían parte de sus fondos, sino otros proyectos que ayudaban a periodistas que buscaban salir de sus países por temas de seguridad.
“Ya hay efectos con la llegada de Donald Trump”, dijo Angélica Cárcamo, directora de la Red Centroamericana de Periodistas (RCP), a LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “Un efecto es que ha congelado fondos y la OIM (Organización Internacional para las Migraciones) entiendo que tenía muchos fondos provenientes de USAID y se tuvieron que congelar y la gente se quedó varada”.
Por ejemplo, periodistas centroamericanos que fueron seleccionados como parte de las Becas Centroamérica en Ascenso, que también contaba con fondos de USAID, ya recibieron información de que su beca fue suspendida o que no recibirán más fondos, dijo Cárcamo.
Mariana Belloso, coordinadora de la Red Latinoamericana de Periodismo en el Exilio (Relpex) de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa (SIP), también ve un efecto directo en el recorte de fondos en periodistas que buscan migrar, dijo a LJR. Belloso recordó que también había programas con fondos de USAID destinados a ayuda legal para periodistas en caso de que estuvieran siendo víctimas de persecución.
Por Silvia Higuera
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Quando a letalidade policial em operações de segurança no estado do Rio de Janeiro atingiu níveis altíssimos, o Supremo Tribunal Federal determinou em 2022 que fossem adotadas uma série de medidas para conter a violência. Dentre elas, o uso de câmeras corporais portáteis para toda a tropa da Polícia Militar (PM) durante o expediente.
Dois anos depois, quando a medida foi integralmente colocada em prática, uma reportagem especial da TV Globo e da GloboNews investigou 774 processos judiciais de 2023 e de 2024 em que a polícia foi requisitada a entregar as filmagens. O objetivo era fiscalizar o uso dessas imagens pela Justiça. Os repórteres encontraram cenas chocantes de suposta má conduta policial e flagrantes de um agente morto e outro ferido em serviço. A série também revelou outra descoberta preocupante: em 60% dos casos analisados, as imagens não foram entregues à Justiça pela PM.
“A imprensa acompanhou o cronograma de instalação das câmeras, cobrou a instalação e o cumprimento da decisão judicial que obrigou o seu uso. Só que a imprensa não tinha mergulhado na próxima fase. Acho que o grande trunfo dessa reportagem foi virar a página da instalação e mergulhar na outra fase: o funcionamento, ou o não funcionamento das câmeras”, disse o repórter da GloboNews Marcelo Bruzzi à LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “Quando a gente mostra que na maioria dos casos, a PM não enviou o vídeo, isso é muito grave porque representa um desperdício de dinheiro público. O contrato é milionário, o estado do Rio, o cidadão, está pagando uma fortuna para a polícia usar esse equipamento e essas imagens precisam ser preservadas.”
A série de reportagem é um retrato da importância da persistência do jornalismo e da falta de transparência no Brasil.
Por Marta Szpacenkopf
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Quando a letalidade policial em operações de segurança no estado do Rio de Janeiro atingiu níveis altíssimos, o Supremo Tribunal Federal determinou em 2022 que fossem adotadas uma série de medidas para conter a violência. Dentre elas, o uso de câmeras corporais portáteis para toda a tropa da Polícia Militar (PM) durante o expediente.
Dois anos depois, quando a medida foi integralmente colocada em prática, uma reportagem especial da TV Globo e da GloboNews investigou 774 processos judiciais de 2023 e de 2024 em que a polícia foi requisitada a entregar as filmagens. O objetivo era fiscalizar o uso dessas imagens pela Justiça. Os repórteres encontraram cenas chocantes de suposta má conduta policial e flagrantes de um agente morto e outro ferido em serviço. A série também revelou outra descoberta preocupante: em 60% dos casos analisados, as imagens não foram entregues à Justiça pela PM.
“A imprensa acompanhou o cronograma de instalação das câmeras, cobrou a instalação e o cumprimento da decisão judicial que obrigou o seu uso. Só que a imprensa não tinha mergulhado na próxima fase. Acho que o grande trunfo dessa reportagem foi virar a página da instalação e mergulhar na outra fase: o funcionamento, ou o não funcionamento das câmeras”, disse o repórter da GloboNews Marcelo Bruzzi à LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “Quando a gente mostra que na maioria dos casos, a PM não enviou o vídeo, isso é muito grave porque representa um desperdício de dinheiro público. O contrato é milionário, o estado do Rio, o cidadão, está pagando uma fortuna para a polícia usar esse equipamento e essas imagens precisam ser preservadas.”
A série de reportagem é um retrato da importância da persistência do jornalismo e da falta de transparência no Brasil.
Por Marta Szpacenkopf
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Journalists in Honduras are going through difficult times. Ahead of the presidential primary elections set for March 9, they’re facing an intense pressure campaign from the Armed Forces of Honduras and members of the country’s leftist ruling party, Liberty and Refoundation (Libre for its abbreviation in Spanish.
In early February, several Honduran media outlets reported that, in an unprecedented case, the legal auditor of the Armed Forces had filed a request with the Public Prosecutor’s Office to initiate proceedings against 12 media outlets for alleged crimes of slander and defamation.
According to local news reports, the case began to move forward in the first week of February. Outlets such as El Heraldo reported that agents from the cybercrimes unit had presented them with official documents demanding the disclosure of sources related to reports containing negative information about the armed forces.
At the same time, key figures from the Libre party, such as the likely presidential candidate and current Minister of Defense, Rixi Moncada, and the President of the National Congress, Luis Redondo, have launched numerous attacks against Honduran media.
Honduran journalists and press freedom organizations see an escalation of these attacks, following a strategy of antagonizing the press similar to that used by heads of state generally considered populist, such as Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico and Nayib Bukele in El Salvador, as well as in countries like Venezuela before its increasingly authoritarian turn. They fear the situation will decline further as the general elections approach on Nov. 30, when the country will elect its president, deputies, and mayors.
"Here in Honduras, we are experiencing a hostile environment for journalism," Carlos Rubén Ortiz, president of the Honduran Press Association (APH for its initials in Spanish), told LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). "With the elections, politicians will try to criminalize us, use the police against us, and launch new legal actions targeting the press."
By André Duchiade
Comment "LJR" and we will send you a link to the full article.
Journalists in Honduras are going through difficult times. Ahead of the presidential primary elections set for March 9, they’re facing an intense pressure campaign from the Armed Forces of Honduras and members of the country’s leftist ruling party, Liberty and Refoundation (Libre for its abbreviation in Spanish.
In early February, several Honduran media outlets reported that, in an unprecedented case, the legal auditor of the Armed Forces had filed a request with the Public Prosecutor’s Office to initiate proceedings against 12 media outlets for alleged crimes of slander and defamation.
According to local news reports, the case began to move forward in the first week of February. Outlets such as El Heraldo reported that agents from the cybercrimes unit had presented them with official documents demanding the disclosure of sources related to reports containing negative information about the armed forces.
At the same time, key figures from the Libre party, such as the likely presidential candidate and current Minister of Defense, Rixi Moncada, and the President of the National Congress, Luis Redondo, have launched numerous attacks against Honduran media.
Honduran journalists and press freedom organizations see an escalation of these attacks, following a strategy of antagonizing the press similar to that used by heads of state generally considered populist, such as Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico and Nayib Bukele in El Salvador, as well as in countries like Venezuela before its increasingly authoritarian turn. They fear the situation will decline further as the general elections approach on Nov. 30, when the country will elect its president, deputies, and mayors.
"Here in Honduras, we are experiencing a hostile environment for journalism," Carlos Rubén Ortiz, president of the Honduran Press Association (APH for its initials in Spanish), told LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). "With the elections, politicians will try to criminalize us, use the police against us, and launch new legal actions targeting the press."
By André Duchiade
Comment "LJR" and we will send you a link to the full article.
This year brings a range of opportunities for photojournalists and photographers around the world. From prestigious international competitions to specialized grants and awards recognizing bravery and commitment to visual storytelling, open calls encompass different photography genres and approaches.
These initiatives aim to highlight both emerging and established talent, providing financial support and visibility to participants. Among the focuses are photographers ages 18 to 33, the aftermath of conflicts, and female visual journalists.
There are also grants and contests for various creative approaches, such studies in contemporary photography and the best images captured with Apple devices.
These opportunities not only offer financial incentives but also allow photographers to expand their impact, showcase their work internationally, and become part of professional networks committed to using imagery as a means of expression and advocacy.
Opportunities are listed chronologically, with the closest deadline appearing first.
Comment "LJR" and we will send you a link to the full article.
This year brings a range of opportunities for photojournalists and photographers around the world. From prestigious international competitions to specialized grants and awards recognizing bravery and commitment to visual storytelling, open calls encompass different photography genres and approaches.
These initiatives aim to highlight both emerging and established talent, providing financial support and visibility to participants. Among the focuses are photographers ages 18 to 33, the aftermath of conflicts, and female visual journalists.
There are also grants and contests for various creative approaches, such studies in contemporary photography and the best images captured with Apple devices.
These opportunities not only offer financial incentives but also allow photographers to expand their impact, showcase their work internationally, and become part of professional networks committed to using imagery as a means of expression and advocacy.
Opportunities are listed chronologically, with the closest deadline appearing first.
After years of disruption to news organizations’ business models due to the effects of the digital revolution, multi-million-dollar funds have been created in the United States and other countries to finance new, innovative and self-sustainable independent news organizations.
The creation of these funds to revitalize journalism will be the focus of the opening keynote session of the 26th International Symposium on Online Journalism that will be held at the University of Texas at Austin, March 27-28, 2025.
The keynote panel will feature the leaders of massive U.S. initiatives like Press Forward ($500 million+) and American Journalism Project ($180 million+), as well as projects elsewhere in the world, such as a new fund created for Brazilian journalism ($2 million) and a $50 million global fund that has been investing around the world.
Jim Brady, the Knight Foundation’s vice president for journalism, will lead ISOJ’s opening keynote session that also features panelists Dale R. Anglin, director of Press Forward; Sarabeth Berman, CEO of the American Journalism Project (AJP); Pierrick Judéaux, director of policy and ecosystem development from the International Fund for Public Interest Media (IFPIM); and Carolina Oms, director of partnerships and fundraising for the Brazilian Journalism Support Fund.
In the United States, Press Forward, launched in 2023, has so far invested more than $200 million in local news; venture philanthropy AJP has raised $183 million for local nonprofit news in the last five years; IFPIM, a multi-stakeholder initiative that launched in 2022 with $50 million to support public interest media globally is currently trying to increase its funds to $150 million. And the newest kid on the block, the Brazilian Journalism Support Fund, launched in 2024 with confirmed financial contributions of $2 million from five philanthropic foundations.
Media organizations and funders know sustainability requires more than money, though–a commitment to audiences also is key.
By Knight Center
After years of disruption to news organizations’ business models due to the effects of the digital revolution, multi-million-dollar funds have been created in the United States and other countries to finance new, innovative and self-sustainable independent news organizations.
The creation of these funds to revitalize journalism will be the focus of the opening keynote session of the 26th International Symposium on Online Journalism that will be held at the University of Texas at Austin, March 27-28, 2025.
The keynote panel will feature the leaders of massive U.S. initiatives like Press Forward ($500 million+) and American Journalism Project ($180 million+), as well as projects elsewhere in the world, such as a new fund created for Brazilian journalism ($2 million) and a $50 million global fund that has been investing around the world.
Jim Brady, the Knight Foundation’s vice president for journalism, will lead ISOJ’s opening keynote session that also features panelists Dale R. Anglin, director of Press Forward; Sarabeth Berman, CEO of the American Journalism Project (AJP); Pierrick Judéaux, director of policy and ecosystem development from the International Fund for Public Interest Media (IFPIM); and Carolina Oms, director of partnerships and fundraising for the Brazilian Journalism Support Fund.
In the United States, Press Forward, launched in 2023, has so far invested more than $200 million in local news; venture philanthropy AJP has raised $183 million for local nonprofit news in the last five years; IFPIM, a multi-stakeholder initiative that launched in 2022 with $50 million to support public interest media globally is currently trying to increase its funds to $150 million. And the newest kid on the block, the Brazilian Journalism Support Fund, launched in 2024 with confirmed financial contributions of $2 million from five philanthropic foundations.
Media organizations and funders know sustainability requires more than money, though–a commitment to audiences also is key.
By Knight Center
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This week, our team looks at how independent media outlets in Latin America are adjusting their business models in response to the freezing of US funding, how women journalists in El Salvador are facing online harassment and how Brazilian newsrooms are (or are not) adopting artificial intelligence.
We also have an article detailing Day 1 of the 26th International Symposium on Online Journalism (ISOJ), which opens with a keynote panel on funds to finance journalism in the U.S. and abroad. And don’t forget: if you can’t make it in person to ISOJ, you can still buy a ticket for virtual participation. It’s more than just live streaming!
💬 Comment "LJR" and we`ll DM you the link to watch!
This week, our team looks at how independent media outlets in Latin America are adjusting their business models in response to the freezing of US funding, how women journalists in El Salvador are facing online harassment and how Brazilian newsrooms are (or are not) adopting artificial intelligence.
We also have an article detailing Day 1 of the 26th International Symposium on Online Journalism (ISOJ), which opens with a keynote panel on funds to finance journalism in the U.S. and abroad. And don’t forget: if you can’t make it in person to ISOJ, you can still buy a ticket for virtual participation. It’s more than just live streaming!
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“Pendeja”, “inservible”, “loca”, “perra”, “escort”, “sinvergüenza” son algunos de los insultos que recibe de forma constante, a través de sus redes sociales, la periodista salvadoreña Wendy Monterrosa.
Monterrosa, cofundadora y directora de la plataforma de periodismo de profundidad Voz Pública, tiene una trayectoria de más de 20 años en televisión y es una de las caras más visibles del periodismo en El Salvador.
En los primeros tres meses del año pasado, se posicionó como la periodista salvadoreña más atacada en redes sociales según el informe sobre violencia digital basada en género publicado por la Asociación de Periodistas de El Salvador (APES).
Desde que el presidente Nayib Bukele asumió el cargo en 2019, El Salvador ha experimentado un grave deterioro del acceso a la información y un aumento del acoso contra los profesionales de los medios de comunicación. Pero son las periodistas del país quienes se han llevado la peor parte de los ataques. La violencia en línea contra las mujeres -a diferencia de contra sus homólogos masculinos- contiene un elemento significativo de misoginia y lesbofobia. Casi uno de cada cinco comentarios contra mujeres periodistas implica violencia sexual, según la APES.
“Los ataques tienen una manera más intensa y más cruel hacia las mujeres”, dijo Monterrosa a LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “Difamaciones y calumnias que muchas veces están vinculadas con el tema de nuestro aspecto”.
En 2021, Gabriela Cáceres, periodista de investigación del medio digital El Faro, participó junto a los periodistas Oscar y Carlos Martínez en la investigación que reveló las negociaciones del gobierno del presidente Nayib Bukele con las pandillas.
Los teléfonos de los tres reporteros fueron interceptados con el software de espionaje Pegasus. Pero, Cáceres, a diferencia de sus colegas hombres, recibió amenazas de violación y otras agresiones sexuales.
“Ellos recibieron muchos ataques también pero eran más mensajes de burla o bullying pero no de índole sexual como a mí”, dijo Cáceres a LJR. También circularon en redes sociales montajes de imágenes de la periodista junto a pandilleros.
💬 Comenta "LJR" para recibir el artículo completo.
“Pendeja”, “inservible”, “loca”, “perra”, “escort”, “sinvergüenza” son algunos de los insultos que recibe de forma constante, a través de sus redes sociales, la periodista salvadoreña Wendy Monterrosa.
Monterrosa, cofundadora y directora de la plataforma de periodismo de profundidad Voz Pública, tiene una trayectoria de más de 20 años en televisión y es una de las caras más visibles del periodismo en El Salvador.
En los primeros tres meses del año pasado, se posicionó como la periodista salvadoreña más atacada en redes sociales según el informe sobre violencia digital basada en género publicado por la Asociación de Periodistas de El Salvador (APES).
Desde que el presidente Nayib Bukele asumió el cargo en 2019, El Salvador ha experimentado un grave deterioro del acceso a la información y un aumento del acoso contra los profesionales de los medios de comunicación. Pero son las periodistas del país quienes se han llevado la peor parte de los ataques. La violencia en línea contra las mujeres -a diferencia de contra sus homólogos masculinos- contiene un elemento significativo de misoginia y lesbofobia. Casi uno de cada cinco comentarios contra mujeres periodistas implica violencia sexual, según la APES.
“Los ataques tienen una manera más intensa y más cruel hacia las mujeres”, dijo Monterrosa a LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “Difamaciones y calumnias que muchas veces están vinculadas con el tema de nuestro aspecto”.
En 2021, Gabriela Cáceres, periodista de investigación del medio digital El Faro, participó junto a los periodistas Oscar y Carlos Martínez en la investigación que reveló las negociaciones del gobierno del presidente Nayib Bukele con las pandillas.
Los teléfonos de los tres reporteros fueron interceptados con el software de espionaje Pegasus. Pero, Cáceres, a diferencia de sus colegas hombres, recibió amenazas de violación y otras agresiones sexuales.
“Ellos recibieron muchos ataques también pero eran más mensajes de burla o bullying pero no de índole sexual como a mí”, dijo Cáceres a LJR. También circularon en redes sociales montajes de imágenes de la periodista junto a pandilleros.
💬 Comment "LJR" and we will send you a link to the full article.
Days after President Donald Trump`s executive order to suspend US financial support to foreign organizations was announced, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele accused journalists and news outlets that have benefited from that aid of being part of "a global money laundering operation" and of promoting a globalist agenda.
Bukele`s message, published on his X account on Feb. 8, came in response to a post from the @wikileaks account about contributions from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to the media. The post made no reference to El Salvador or an alleged money laundering network.
In response, the Association of Journalists of El Salvador (APES, for its acronym in Spanish) said Bukele`s allegations were part of a disinformation campaign that sought to silence journalists who have investigated and denounced abuses of power and the management of public resources.
For Salvadoran journalists, Bukele`s statements are an example of a narrative that authoritarian regimes have used on multiple occasions in order to discredit and criminalize the work of independent media, based on the ways in which they are financed.
“The first thing they do is set up a narrative in which they begin to accuse without evidence, only to discredit, and in a populist way to reach the masses and make them believe that there is really money laundering here,” Ezequiel Barrera, director and founder of the investigative digital magazine Gato Encerrado, told LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “They have found in this narrative [about USAID support] that comes from the United States the opportunity to be even stronger in discrediting the media.”
Although, like Bukele, several other Latin American leaders have taken advantage of Trump`s executive order to disqualify media outlets and journalists that receive funds from international cooperation, in previous years leaders in the region have already described this type of financing as forms of interference and destabilization.
By César López Linares
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Days after President Donald Trump`s executive order to suspend US financial support to foreign organizations was announced, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele accused journalists and news outlets that have benefited from that aid of being part of "a global money laundering operation" and of promoting a globalist agenda.
Bukele`s message, published on his X account on Feb. 8, came in response to a post from the @wikileaks account about contributions from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to the media. The post made no reference to El Salvador or an alleged money laundering network.
In response, the Association of Journalists of El Salvador (APES, for its acronym in Spanish) said Bukele`s allegations were part of a disinformation campaign that sought to silence journalists who have investigated and denounced abuses of power and the management of public resources.
For Salvadoran journalists, Bukele`s statements are an example of a narrative that authoritarian regimes have used on multiple occasions in order to discredit and criminalize the work of independent media, based on the ways in which they are financed.
“The first thing they do is set up a narrative in which they begin to accuse without evidence, only to discredit, and in a populist way to reach the masses and make them believe that there is really money laundering here,” Ezequiel Barrera, director and founder of the investigative digital magazine Gato Encerrado, told LatAm Journalism Review (LJR). “They have found in this narrative [about USAID support] that comes from the United States the opportunity to be even stronger in discrediting the media.”
Although, like Bukele, several other Latin American leaders have taken advantage of Trump`s executive order to disqualify media outlets and journalists that receive funds from international cooperation, in previous years leaders in the region have already described this type of financing as forms of interference and destabilization.
By César López Linares
